If I understand correctly, Mark is expressing what
economists call monetarist theory. I am far from knowledgeable about
monetarism, but my guess--Mark please correct me here--is that it bloomed
around 1950 with the work of Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz.
At that time, the primary mediums of exchange in the
developed world consisted only of cash that sovereign nations created, and
deposits held in their banks. The Federal Reserve and other central banks added
these amounts together to determine the "money supply." Over the
years other items have been added, so that today there are three successively
broader measures of money supply--M1, M2, and M3.
If I may simplistically describe the monetarist view that
arose under these circumstances, it was that the money supply determined the
health of the total national economy, a total now measured as Gross Domestic
Product (GDP). If the money supply was too small, firms would find it harder to
obtain money, they would spend less, unemployment would rise, and a recession
would follow. If the money supply was too large, the nominal price of goods and
services would rise. With inflation, loans would be repaid in money with less
purchasing power. Creditors would adjust their terms, money would be harder to
obtain, firms would spend less, unemployment would rise, and a recession would
follow. The proper solution, then, was to maintain a steady or “Goldilocks”
money supply relative to the economy’s GDP, and by adjusting interest rates
prevent undue inflation or deflation.
This theory was very attractive to the more comfortable
segment of society because such people were, by and large, the creditors who
would suffer immediate losses in purchasing power if inflation occurred, and
who would not suffer personally if raising the interest rates to prevent
inflation resulted in job losses. It was also attractive in its simplicity: one
factor alone, easily measured and controlled, could determine the health of the
economy. Moreover, during a prolonged period of American economic growth (not
counting the Depression), it seemed an adequate explanation of the economic
cycles intellectually validated by Friedman and Schwartz’s massive statistics.
Applying this logic to the current economic situation leads
many modern conservatives, such as the Peterson Institute, to something like
Mark’s point of view. Since late 2008 the federal government and the Federal
Reserve have greatly increased the money supply, and Mark claims this spending
did not get us much of a recovery from the Great Recession, and “is about to
give way again.”
I have two basic difficulties with this economic theory.
First and most importantly, I think finance has greatly changed. Mediums of
exchange have expanded well beyond cash and bank credit, and they come from many
domestic sources that have grown dynamically, that the authorities do not
regulate, and whose impact they cannot really measure. Moreover, a large and
growing share of these money supply sources are international. Consequently, a
simple effort to regulate the domestic money supply has much less impact than
it did a few decades ago, and no longer serves as the simple lever that it once
seemed to do.
My second difficulty is based on evidence. It has been seven
or eight years since the Obama stimulus and the Fed’s quantitative easing
began. Yet inflation has not arisen in the US, and similar stimulus efforts
have not produced inflation in Europe. As Krugman likes to say, monetarists
have predicted 15 of the last 3 recessions. Moreover, it seems there is a good
reason for the lack of inflation: lack of demand. Monetarists see demand as
determined by the money supply. But that hasn’t happened now. Nor did it happen
in Japan in the early ‘90s. On the contrary, it seems pretty clear that low
demand for money has led banks to hoard most of the funds that the Fed so
generously provided, and has led to a much slower circulation of money in
general—a circulation known as the velocity of money.
I will concede that, to some extent, the lack of demand
results from the stifling of Democratic efforts to increase government
spending, which could not offset the sharp reductions in spending that States
experienced. As a result, the amount of money actually provided to counter the
Great Recession has been very limited, far lower than most economists had
thought necessary. Although this may be happy news for monetarists, it does
mean that employment has been very slow and partial in recovery. But of course
the monetarists are not themselves much affected.
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