Brexit
This little essay offers my thoughts on two questions: why
Brexit won, and what are the most likely economic consequences. I started
writing this when the stock markets plunged in the days following the Brexit
vote, but even though the markets have now recovered my initial views remain
the same. I do hope that my view of the likely economic consequences proves
wrong in the longer term, but I’m making careful bets in the other direction.
I. Why Did Brexit Win?
I read various and complicated reasons for the success of
Brexit, such as bad tactics by the “stay” people, the Labor Party leader’s
lukewarm support for staying, falsehoods from the pro-Brexit leaders, and so
forth. But I think there are more fundamental reasons:
1. The Refugees
Most immediately obvious was the failure of the EU to deal with
the massive flood of refugees during the last few years, coming atop others
like the mess it made of Greece and Europe’s continuing doldrums after the
Great Recession.
But the biggest, most visible, and to Brits most frightening
was a threatened flood of Moslem refugees. When the refugee crisis first became
apparent, the EU faced a choice: it could repel the arrivals; it could plan to accommodate
and integrate them into EU countries in a measured way; or it could do nothing.
Unfortunately, the EU fell into the latter choice.
It made little difference that the immigrants currently in
the UK were from other EU countries or the Commonwealth. The popular media, untruthful leaders of the
Brexit movement, and a long UK history of difficulty dealing with radical
Islamist immigrants all created the strong popular impression that the
floodgates would open unless Britain exited from the EU.
2. Hatred for the EU
A second reason is the nearly universal loathing for the EU’s
bureaucracy, which is slow, inflexible, and often incomprehensible. Although
people blame the bureaucrats, or a distant and unresponsive EU government,
there is another reason that makes this problem almost inevitable:
In both Britain and
the US, much regulation is through the common law. In common law regulation,
judges decide cases by applying general principles to specific past conduct. The accumulated body of such
applications provides, in effect, the detailed regulation that society needs.
Although respectful of past decisions, common law judges can modify old approaches
to fit current realities, overruling old cases or finding differences between
them and the one they are deciding now.
But the EU, and administrative agencies in both Britain and
the US, apply general principles to prospective
conduct by writing or rewriting regulations that specify the conduct that will
be impermissable. The writing process is often often lengthy, expensive, and
onerous, involving endless hearings and revisions with affected interests
lobbying and litigating all along the way. A recent example is a 2004 Labor Dept. attempt to change an old regulation of worker wages and benefits that denied protection to home health aids and household employees. A revision to now protect those types of employment has only now been scheduled to take effect. Lobbyists opposed to the measure litigated against it for years until a final decision rejecting their completely spurious arguments recently came. So it can take years, even decades of expensive legal work to enact
or modify a regulation. After all that trouble, nobody wants to repeat that process every time conditions change. So in time many regulations
become outmoded and unreasonable. The system itself makes the
regulatory agencies look slow, inflexible, and incomprehensible.
3. Class Resentment
The leave vote expressed the rise of serious class resentment,
which exists in the US as well. Since the era of Reagan and Thatcher automation,
globalization, financialization and computerization have transformed economies
and employment. The beneficiaries have also sought and won enormous political
favors. The combined result has been a tremendous concentration of wealth in
their hands, and stagnation for virtually everyone else. The winners have paid
scant attention to the losers. Even the representatives of ordinary people who
gained office during this period (Tony Blair, George Brown, Bill Clinton,
Barrack Obama) favored globalization, technology, and financialization, and
left ordinary people largely unprotected from the gales of change. As a result,
many very resentful people want to roll back many of these changes and the unequal results. Skillful communicators have learned how to mobilize these people, with Brexit the
first notable result.
4. The New Media
Fourth in this list, but perhaps most importantly, there has been a sea change in the nature of public affairs media, shifting
it from a predominant focus on factual and reasoned political arguments to a predominant focus on emotional and intuitive appeals. This shift became
possible, and profitable, because of radically new modes of communication that
technology created since about 1990. As a result, the profit-seeking firms that
dominate the media can effectively address peoples’ emotions, and find it highly profitable to do so. These firms now dominate the media,
and even traditionally rational and factual media have tried to follow their
approach.
Formerly, people got their information about public affairs primarily from newspapers, broadcast TV, and radio. Most of these outlets, whatever their political position, dealt in known
or logical facts and rational thought. Since
1990, however, the media has largely shifted to electronic forms. Newspapers
have declined, and cable TV, internet web sites, and even billboards now make
intensive use of graphics, fast takes, and rapid movement to attract attention.
To best capture audiences (and hence advertisers) they seek presenters adept at
emotional communications, and spend much more time than traditional media on emotional candy like scandal, gossip, sex, and claimed betrayals
of traditional moral and religious values.
Modern technology enables profit-seeking media to capture more audiences and advertisers by arousing strong feelings than by truthful or logical utterances. As has long been
true, conservative media do this much better than liberal media. Where
liberals see complexity and doubt, media conservatives provide their electronic audiences with simplicity and
certainty. While liberals ignore personal appearance, sound of the voice, and
personal values, conservative media stresses moralistic values and retains
beautiful blondes or men with authoritative voices and manners. Combined with
gripping graphics, constant moral outrage, and a disregard for truth and logic,
this business model has become predominant in much of the US and UK media. Accordingly,
the simple and emotionally compelling idea of Brexit gained overwhelming
support in British media, and many voters ignored or failed to understand the
more complex arguments in favor of remaining.
II. What Does Brexit Mean for the US and world Future?
Nobody really knows the answer, of course, but for those who
have to act or invest, it’s necessary to formulate some ideas. Here are a few:
1. Political
Although the
immediate consequence of Brexit is to embolden Trump supporters, Brexit is a strong
warning to sensible people that complacency can indeed lead to disaster. So I
suspect that Brexit will ultimately do more to scare moderate Republicans and
Sanders Democrats away from Trump, if not into the Clinton camp, than to give
Trump new voters. Of course, an even stronger threat could arise if Brexit or
something else significantly slows the US economy before November.
A more serious danger is the strength Bexit clearly gives to
nationalist, xenophobic, anti-EU parties in Europe. If they prevail
politically, they could return their countries to an era of nationalism, with
firm state boundaries, limited immigration, authoritarian governments, and reduced
globalization. Their chances would be even better if, as seems likely, Brexit
damages the already weak economies of Europe. As Poland and Hungary have
already done, some states may turn to fascist-style governments; others, like
Holland and France, may seek to leave the EU. Scotland and Northern Ireland may
leave Great Britain. The potential for political and perhaps even military conflict will grow, and the EU’s offer of freedom and prosperity, however
tarnished it may be, will fade.
• Economic
I am pessimistic about the economic future over a fairly
long period. Brexit’s political implications have created massive uncertainty
everywhere. It seems unlikely that Britain will negotiate a smooth departure
from the EU, so that process could—like many EU political processes—take bad
directions; at the least, Brexit should result in extended economic uncertainty
for a long time.
Whatever the stock
market does in reaction, economic uncertainty clearly causes investors and
consumers to hold back, saving and hoarding rather than spending. This would damage
the already fragile EU recovery. There will be less immediate damage to the US
economy, but the EU accounts for about 25% of US exports. Although not a large part
of the US economy, exports support high wages. So even a small decline in
exports could worsen the reduction in demand that I expect to follow economic
uncertainty.
As the US and the EU are already growing very slowly, and
China’s transition from export to domestic consumption is difficult, even small
negative changes could put us into a snowballing recession. The paralysis of
the federal government and of many GOP-controlled State governments will
certainly magnify and lengthen the potential economic difficulties. Even if
Clinton wins the Presidency, Republicans will probably retain control of the
House, and as they did in Obama's Presidency, could stymie efforts to ease any recession. The many Republican-led
State governments may well make things worse. In addition, the quantitative
easing overhang and very low prevailing interest rates leave the Federal
Reserve with little room to do anything useful. So the prospect is much dimmer
for public policies to save the economy than after the collapse of 2008.
Although there is no such massive initial impact, a decline may well occur and
continue indefinitely.
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